Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts

No Promises in the Wind Review

No Promises in the Wind
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The book No Promises in the Wind by Irene hunt was about a young boy's struggle to survive during the depression in the U.S. It takes place during the winter of 1932. Josh is the main character in the book. He and his father Stefan always get into arguments because his father has no job and can't provide for his family, so his father takes his frustration out on his on Josh, his oldest son. This causes Josh to leave home and embark on his adventure. His mother Mary is the one that gives Josh the OK to leave home. She feels bad for doing this, but she only sees the situation getting worse. So, Howie and Josh decide to run away together and make a life for themselves. Howie is Josh's best friend. Just before they leave, Josh's little brother wants come along. His name is Joey. Joey is ten years old and looks like an angel. There many problems that the main characters encounter during the book, the first one happens when the brothers lose their friend. Howie is run over by a train in the beginning of the book. After this, the main problem is to get money and food. Different people help Josh and Joey get food. One day while walking, they meet a truck driver named Lonnie. Lonnie is very helpful; he gives the boys meals and a long ride down south to warmer weather. He also helps Josh find a job at a carnival. At the carnival Josh and Joey meet Emily. She is an older lady. She is very kind to the boys. Josh falls in love with her, but it does not work out because of the age differences. The carnival burns down so the boys head back north to find their friend Lonnie. Along the way they have to beg to survive.
The one character that I could relate to was Josh. Because I have had similar conflicts with my father. Like Josh's father, my dad was going through hard times and most of the time took out his frustration on me. At times I wanted to leave, but I did not. My father and I worked out our problems like Josh and his father did.
I really enjoyed this book. It keeps the reader entertained the whole time. You always want to find out what is going to happen to the boys all the way to the end. My favorite part is when the boys are at the carnival. The author does a good job of describing the people and events that happen during their stay at the carnival. My least favorite part was when the man at the shoe store took the boy's money. Personally I would not change anything to this book. I think it was written well, and it gets its point across.
I would recommend this book to any one who is interested in how life was during the 1930s. Also anyone that grew up during that time period might enjoy it. This book is a fun read that keeps you entertained the whole time.

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In 1932, America was in the depths of a deep depression. A job, food to fill you, a place to sleep, and shoes without holes--for millions of people, these simple needs were nothing more than dreams. At 15 years of age, Josh had to make his own way through a country of angry, frightened people. This is the story of a young man's struggle to find a life for himself in the turbulent 1930s.

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What's the Matter with Kansas?: How Conservatives Won the Heart of America Review

What's the Matter with Kansas: How Conservatives Won the Heart of America
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In his book 1984, George Orwell described the state of perpetual war in his fictional future society by saying that the war wasn't meant to be won, it was only meant to be continuous. In WHAT'S THE MATTER WITH KANSAS?, Thomas Frank illustrates how, and how effectively, the neoconservative right has implemented Orwell's concepts via a neverending war over culture and values.
Using his home state of Kansas as the model and focal point, Frank asks rhetorically why it is that Kansans so willingly espouse right-wing social issues (creationism, defunding public schools, prayer in schools, pro-life) while simultaneously allowing their state to become economically devastated by Republican free market policies of unfettered, unregulated capitalism. In other words, why do Kansans (and many other Red Staters) vote consistently against their pocketbooks, against their own economic self-interest?
With great specificity, Frank illustrates these behaviors and their devastating economic consequences by describing individuals and communities in Kansas. These are some of the strongest parts of his book, since they demonstrate through real people and real towns how life has changed, and continues to change, under Republican conservative rule. If anything, Frank could use more of these examples, particularly more description of some of the small towns and communities in his state that are dying a slow and tortured economic death. Regardless, the examples given convey the sense that Kansans are voting Red even as they vote themselves economically dead.
Frank correctly ascribes this seemingly self-contradictory behavior to the idea that Conservatives have discovered a means to incite permanent "backlash" among the Red Staters through culture wars. Whatever the issue, whether it's Janet Jackson's right breast or gay marriage in Massachusetts, Conservative politicians whip up fierce indignation and activism by threatening the loss of American moral values to the eastern, intellectual elite who support the denigration of those values and the denial of moral absolutes. And, as Frank points out, despite years of bitter denunciation, almost nothing has changed. The war rages on, but the Conservatives rarely win even a skirmish.
By focusing attention on culture issues, the Conservatives not only distract their followers from economic concerns, they remove capitalism itself as an issue. For Red Staters, capitalism is a natural force, and free markets are an absolute good. Concerns about environment, globalization, estate taxes, Wal-Martization, health and welfare all disappear, since laissez-faire is an inviolable principle. Capitalism cannot and must not be regulated in this worldview, and any restrictions and regulations designed to "thwart" it are necessarily wrong if not evil. The fact that culture itself -- MTV, Hollywood, Howard Stern, Fear Factor -- is a capitalist product that follows the same profit motivations goes unnoticed. In Kansas, as in most places, there is no connection in people's minds between culture and capitalism.
Frank has put his thumb directly on the source of America's current problems, the so-called Red State, Blue State divide. As I write this review on July 9, 2004, the United States remains embroiled in Iraq and Afghanistan, our standing in the world is at an all-time low, Tom Ridge is warning against another imminent Al-Qaeda attack, the country is hemorrhaging jobs, young kids can less and less afford to go to college, gas and milk prices have soared to all-time highs, working men and women can't make ends meet even with two or more jobs, millions are without health insurance, the President claims the power to arrest and detain anyone he chooses without legal representation, and our education system is becoming enslaved to meaningless standardized tests. What solutions does our Republican President and Republican legislative branch offer? The Senate is too busy preparing for an all-out legislative war over a Constitutional amendment banning gay marriage to worry about real problems. The newspaper every day tells us just how correct Thomas Frank is in his analysis. Kansas isn't just Kansas, Kansis is us!
Anyone who truly wants to understand today's upside-down political world, who wants to understand how middle class people can enthusiastically support tax cuts that give them nothing and the rich more money and power, should read WHAT'S THE MATTER WITH KANSAS? Mr. Frank offers clear and straightforward explanation of this bizarre phenomenon, and his insights and implications should send chills down the spines of those who espouse a free, fair, and open society. To quote Frank's closing line: that the "fever-dream of martyrdom that Kansas follows today...invites us all to join in, to lay down our lives so others might cash out at the top; to renounce forever our middle-American prosperity in pursuit of a crimson fantasy of middle-American righteousness." How much better can it be said?

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The Complete Infidel's Guide to the Koran Review

The Complete Infidel's Guide to the Koran
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This is not a new translation of the Muslim's holy book: The Koran/Quran. Nor is it a chapter-by-chapter review of the Koran, whereby each chapter is analyzed and explained. Instead, as implied in its title, it is a well-written "Guide" to the Koran. Essentially, the author has selected 75 or so significant topics discussed in the Koran and explains their current significance to Muslims, and how jihadists may use them to justify their attacks against "infidels" (including Muslims whom the jihadists believe are not on the `Straight Path' in following Islam). The author compares passages from both the Koran and the Bible, and explains the many differences of similar stories in them. Some of these topics include: abrogation/changes in Koranic verses (ayats); the devil sleeps in your nose; Adam & Eve; Abel & Cain (why the crow?), the jizya tax, King Solomon's problem with the Queen of Sheba's hairy legs; Jesus and his flying clay birds; some of Muhammad's raids; slavery of the `right hand'; how the Jews and Christians `corrupted' their holy books; the Isaac vs. Ishmael sacrifice dispute; Moses and the Pharaoh differences; did Allah promise Israel to the Jews?; hot hellfire for the kuffars; can Jews and Christians be `tolerated' by Muslims if the former were created from `apes and pigs' by Allah?; did Muhammad actually ride to Jerusalem?; were all Jewish prophets really Muslims?; was Jesus neither divine nor crucified?; wife beating; and much more. Besides selecting topics from just the Koran, the author also discusses current topical-issues being raised by U.S. Pres. Obama, the fundamentalist Osama bin Laden, and miscellaneous Muslim spokesmen. The author discusses the historical development of the Koran. Besides quoting merely from the Koran, the author also quotes from other Islamic sources (such as the hadith) to help explain some poignant topic. As the author himself commented: "This is not a general guide to the Koran" (p. 20). To read a chapter-by-chapter review of Mohammad's "Koran," see the "Bogging the Quran" serial at the author's JIHAD WATCH website. Hopefully, someday this series will be reprinted in book form. If you want more of an analysis of the Quran itself, I suggest "Introduction to the Qur'an" by W. Montgomery Watt (and Richard Bell); Edinburgh Univ. Press, 1970 (ISBN 0-7486-0597-5).

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Quantum Theory and the Schism in Physics: From The Postscript to the Logic of Scientific Discovery Review

Quantum Theory and the Schism in Physics: From The Postscript to the Logic of Scientific Discovery
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During the early 1950s Popper prepared almost a thousand pages of manuscript for publication as a companion volume to the English translation of his "Logik Der Forschung" (1934). This material started as a series of appendices to "The Logic of Scientific Discovery" but some of them grew into a book to be called "Postscrip to the LSD: After Twenty Years" (from 1934 to 1954). "The Logic of Scientific Discovery" appeared in 1959 but the "Postscript" lagged behind until eventually Bill Bartley took over the editing and it appeared in three volumes in the 1980s (after 50 years).
In the meantime photocopies of the galleys circulated among Popper's colleagues and this had some impact, especially by way of Imre Lakatos and his "methodology of scientific research programmes" (MSRP. Unfortunately, this development caused a great deal of confusion and misplaced effort which might have been avoided if Popper's theory of programs had appeared earlier.
The three books of the "Postscript" are "Realism and the Aim of Science" (Volume 1), "The Open Universe: An Argument for Indeterminism" (Volume 2) and "Quantum Theory and the Schism in Physics" (Volume 3). They contribute to Popper's long campaign in support of realism, indeterminism and objectivism which in turn support human freedom, creativity and rationality.
"Realism" has two parts, the first pursues various forms of inductivism and the second attacks the subjective interpretation of the probability calculus. "The Open Universe" critiques both scientific and metaphysical determinism and traces the linkage between metaphysical determinism and subjective probability theory. This volume carries the defence of realism and objectivism into the heart of quantum theory to challenge the dominant assumptions of the Copenhagen interpretation. Bartley points out in the editor's introduction that this is a profoundly cosmological work, where "the basic theme of Karl Popper's philosophy - that something can come from nothing - obtains its basis in physics".
The book contains a 'Metaphysical Epilogue' that is remarkable (in addition to being the basis of Lakatos's theory of scientific research programmes) because it provides a key to understanding a set of themes that unify Popper's whole system of thought (the keystone to his arch of thought it you like). This gives some clues as to the depth of his thinking and the reason why it has been so badly received in the profession at large.
Popper's theory of MRPs flows from his theory that we should look at the history of a subject, and its current status, in terms of its problem situations.
"In science, problem situations are the result, as a rule, of three factors. One is the discovery of an inconsistency within the ruling theory. A second is the discovery of an inconsistency between theory and experiment - the experimental falsification of the theory. The third, and perhaps the most important one, is the relation between the theory and what may be called the "metaphysical research programme".
"By raising the problems of explanation which the theory is designed to solve, the metaphysical research programme makes it possible to judge the success of the theory as an explanation. On the other hand, the critical discussion of the theory and its results may lead to a change in the research programme (usually an unconscious change, as the programme is often held unconsciously, and taken for granted), or to its replacement by another programme. These programmes are only occasionally discussed as such: more often, they are implicit in the theories and in the attitudes and judgements of the scientists."
"I call these research programmes "metaphysical" also because they result from general views of the structure of the world and, at the same time, from general views of the problem situation in physical cosmology. I call them "research programmes" because they incorporate, together with a view of what the most pressing problems are, a general idea of what a satisfactory solution of these problems would look like."
The theme of the book is the way that the Copenhagen interpretation of quantum physics has been influenced by unstated and uncriticised metaphysical assumptions, especially determinism, subjectivism and instrumentalism. Of course the Copenhagen people are scientific indeterminists but Popper argues that there is a metaphysical form of determinism that they have not eliminated from their thinking.
The book contains four chapters after a 1982 Preface and an Introduction. The Preface makes a case for a realistic and commonsense interpretation of quantum theory to overcome the crisis in physics which Popper attributes to two things, the intrusion of subjectivism and the "end of the road" idea that quantum theory has reached the complete and final truth. In the Introduction he argues for an interpretation of quantum physics without the observer and he sharply formulated thirteen thesis to challenge the Copenhagen interpretation of the observer as an integral part of the system.
In Chapter I, 'Understanding quantum theory and its interpretations' Popper updated his ideas from the formulations in "The Logic of Scientific Discovery". He still maintained that the problem of interpreting quantum theory is bound up with the interpretation of probability theory, and he argued that the theory of propensities that he described in the first and second volumes of The Postscript should be applied to the interpretation of quantum theory, thus resolving the difficulties that arise in the Copenhagen interpretation.
Chapter II 'The objectivity of qauntum theory' returned to the issue of the observer in the system and confronted the doctrine that experiments have to be interpreted with the observer, and especially the consciousness of the observer, as one of the variables. The discussion includes the nature of quantum jumps and the existence or non-existence of particles.
Chapter III attempts a resolution of the paradoxes of quantum theory, using the propensity interpretation of probability, applied to (1) the indeterminacy relations, (2) the expirement of Einstein, Podolsky and Rosen, and (3) the two-slit experiment.
The long fourth chapter is the Metaphysical Epilogue. This covers a lot of ground, starting with a brief statement of the theory of metaphysical research programs (above). He then ran through a series of ten research programs. First the block universe of Parmenides, then Atomism and Geometrization, followed by Essentialism and Potentialism (from Aristotle), then Renaissance Physics (Copernicus, Bruno, Kepler, Galileo), The Clockwork Theory (Hobbes, Descartes), Dynamism (Newton), Fields of Force (Faraday, Maxwell), Unified Field Theory (Riemann, Einstein, Schrodinger) and finally The Statistical Interpretation of Quantum Theory. After a discussion of schism, programs and metaphysical dreams he went on to indeterminism and the reduction of the wave packet and a model of a universe of propensities to account for the leading featues of all the ten programs that he sketched previously. After touching on some open problems he concluded with some comments on the role of metaphysical systems and the possibility of a demarcation within metaphysics, between good and bad systems.
"The proper aspiration of a metaphysician...is to gather all the true aspects of the world (and not merely its scientific aspects) into a unifying picture which may enlighten him and others, and which may one day become part of a still more comprehensive picture, a better picture, a truer picture."


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What Washington Can Learn From the World of Sports Review

What Washington Can Learn From the World of Sports
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What Washington Can Learn From the World of Sports belong on political and sports shelves alike, offering a unique association between sports rules and team playing and the political world of Washington DC. Chapters cover issues of ties, equal opportunity, government regulation, and working as a team and make for inspiring reading perfect for a range of readers seeking clarity in understanding Washington's political plays.


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Politics and sports: they're two of America's greatest passions. And George Allen-former U.S. Senator, former Virginia Governor, and son of the great NFL coach George Allen, Sr.-brings these two worlds together in his new book, What Washington Can Learn From the World of Sports. Having spent his life with one foot in the sports arena and the other in the political arena, Allen brings his unique perspective and experiences to What Washington Can Learn From the World of Sports. Through personal stories, anecdotes, and interviews, Allen draws both parallels and contrasts between two of our nation's favorite passions. From national security, to wasteful government spending, to judicial activism, Allen proves that our government need look no further than the football field, baseball diamond, or basketball court to solve today's pressing problems. What Washington Can Learn From the World of Sports shows what Washington can learn from the greatest moments-and failures-in sports, as well as from the spirit and principles of fair play, hard work, and keeping score.

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Being Right Is Not Enough: What Progressives Must Learn from Conservative Success Review

Being Right Is Not Enough: What Progressives Must Learn from Conservative Success
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I bought this book together with "The Good Fight" by Peter Beinart. While both books have their utility, neither is as good as Joe Klein in "Politics Lost." Waldman gets five stars to Beinart's four mostly because he is much more readable, has many useful tables including an analysis of the states where extremist Republicans as well as extremist Democrats are weak, and his book is generally focused on the left of center middle and the caring citizen as opposed to policy wonks that Beinart addresses in his book.
Page 111 is a very fine diagram of the issue columns that the Democratic Party simply does not address responsibly nor--a theme throughout the book--courageously. Over-all the book does a very fine job of defining the distinctions between conservatives and progressives, as well as the distinctions between what conservatives stand for and what they say, and what progressives stand for and do not say.
The author spends most of his time comparing conservatives to progressives (code for left of center liberals) which is something of a pity because he appears to have a very well developed sense of the issues and what the center and left-center can and should stand for.
There are two bottom lines in this book, and both of them make eminent sense to me:
1) Don't bring a knife to a gun-fight. The author points out in detail how inept and weak and unfocused the Democrats are at every stage of the political game beginning with high school and collage political clubs.
2) Stand for the public, for the individual taxpayer, for the blue-collar worker, the working poor, the lower middle class. The author stresses that this is a fight between those who respresent special interests and believe the government role is to liberate the marketplace (code for allow the looting of the Commonwealth) and those who should be representing the masses of individual workers and taxpayers.
The author takes a long view and believes that it will take a great deal of time to recover from the total abdication to the extremist Republicans. While this nice in principle, the book does not focus as well on what it will take to win over-whelmingly; for that we recommend Joe Klein's "Politics Lost." On the issues, Matthew Miller's "The Two-Percent Solution."
On a personal note, I would add that the author's focus on "Being Right is Not Enough" is perfectly consistent with my own view that "Vote Democratic Is Not Enough." Rove and Cheney have demonstrated, twice, that they can steal Presidential elections that are close--through Florida in 2000, through Ohio is 2004. Even if every liberal-progressive adopted the ideas in this book, they would not be enough. We need a multi-party focus on electoral reform and crushing the extremist Republican thieves (I am a moderate Republican), crushing the special interests, and restoring the Republic to the public---a Republic of, by, and for the People, not Corporations.


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The Radicalism of the American Revolution Review

The Radicalism of the American Revolution
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I first read the work of Gordon Wood in graduate school a quarter century ago, especially his magnificent and massive 1972 book, "The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787." This study, "The Radicalism of the American Revolution," is essentially a continuation of that earlier work, probing the intellectual underpinnings of the era. It, too, is a magnificent work and fully deserving of the Pulitzer Prize that it received. While covering some of the same ground as Bernard Bailyn's "The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution" (Harvard University Press, 1967), this book develops a more detailed, rigorous, and compelling portrait of a society transforming itself from one of feudal relationships to one predicated on republicanism, democracy, and market-driven capitalism.
At a fundamental level, Wood argues, the American Revolution was truly a radical episode in world history. He comments that "The republican revolution was the greatest utopian movement in American history. The revolutionaries aimed at nothing less than a reconstitution of American society. They hoped to destroy the bonds holding together the older monarchical society--kinship, patriarchy, and patronage--and to put in their place new social bonds of love, respect, and consent. They sought to construct a society and governments based on virtue and disinterested public leadership and to set in motion a moral government that would eventually be felt around the globe" (p. 229). They advocated ensuring equality as the first task of society; Wood calls this "the single most powerful and radical ideological force in all of American history" (p. 234). And all Americans, he argues, embraced the idea of equality as manifested in labor and accomplishment. He notes, "Perhaps nothing separated early-nineteenth-century Americans more from Europeans than their attitude toward labor and their egalitarian sense that everyone must participate in it" (p. 286).
Wood closes "The Radicalism of the American Revolution" with this, "No doubt the cost that America paid for this democracy was high--with its vulgarity, its materialism, its rootlessness, its anti-intellectualism. But there is no denying the wonder of it and the real earthly benefits it brought to the hitherto neglected and despised masses of common laboring people. The American Revolution created this democracy, and we are living with its consequences still" (p. 269).
Above all, Wood argues that ideas and ideological issues matter in the context of American history. Self-interest is very real, but ideas and ideals serve as powerful motivations for actions. This is a stunningly significant book that must be read by all who seek to understand the origins of the United States.

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Profit Over People: Neoliberalism & Global Order Review

Profit Over People: Neoliberalism and Global Order
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Edit of 20 Jun 09 to add links (feature not available back then)
This book begins with a very fine introduction by Robert McChesney, who defines neoliberalism as an economic paradigm that leaves a small number of private parties in control and able to maximize their profit (at the expense of the people). He goes on to note that a distracted or apathetic or depoliticized public essentially "goes along" with this, resulting in the loss of community and the rise of consumerism.
Chomsky himself, over the course of 167 pages, points out the damages of neo-liberalism (public abdicating power to corporations), not just to underdeveloped nations and their peoples, but to the American people themselves, who are suffering, today, from a fifteen year decline in education, health, and increased inequality between the richest and the poorest.
Over the course of several chapters, he discusses various U.S. policies, including the U.S. policy of using "security" as a pretext for subsidizing the transfer of taxpayer funds to major arms dealers. The declaration of Cuba as a threat to U.S. national security is one that Mexico could not support--as one of their diplomats explained at the time: "if we publicly declare that Cuba is a threat to our security, forty million Mexicans will die laughing."
At the end of it all, Chomsky comes down to the simple matter of protecting both civilization and the civilians from their own governments in cahoots with corporations. His observations on the deaths by disease, starvation, and so on, at the same time that billions are being spent on arms which perpetuate the cycles of violence, are relevant. So also are his observations on the dramatic increase in both the extent and the damages caused by increasingly unregulated financial markets. He singles out the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) as an especially pernicious organization whose machinations are invisible to the public and harmful as well.
I note with interest a review of this book that seeks to call Chomsky a liar, uninformed, and a laughingstock among "serious" scholars. I wish to address that point of view kindly. I can understand, when scholarship consists largely of going through the motions, reading a limited number of works, and answering by rote with the prescribed thought, how so many of our allegedly educated people in business and government are simply socially tuned in. I have myself come to the conclusion that Washington runs on 2% of the available international information (and is largely witless about the 75% or so that is in foreign languages), and I also agree with Howard Bloom's observation in Global Brain: The Evolution of Mass Mind from the Big Bang to the 21st Century, to wit, that half one's brain cells are killed off by the time one is an adult, due to normal biological adjustments to accommodate the prescribed social, cultural, and intellectual parameters that are demanded if one is to "get along." In that light, I view Chomsky as one of our more important vaccinations against premature stupidity among our loosely-educated adult policymakers. For myself, with considerable reading and a 25-year national security career behind me, I find that while Chomsky is repetitious, he is generally meticulous about foot-noting (something that cannot be said for the lazy authors residing in most think tanks, all of them being paid to think along very specifically prescribed directions).
The bottom line for me is clear: citizens must read and think, or perish from the earth as slaves to those who control money. There is only one thing that matters more than money in this world, and that is the vote. In a representative democracy, the vote can be bought with ease *until* the moment comes when citizens realize that they can combine the use of public sources to reach conclusions (open source intelligence) with self-organization via the Internet, with civil action (cyber-advocacy, street-advocacy, communication and voting) to *take back the power.* It is not terrorism that scares the corporate carpetbaggers, it is something much more powerful: thinking citizens willing to spend the time keeping their corporate servants in line.
Chomsky has labored for over fifty years to keep that part of our brain alive that our schools, seeking to train obedient factory workers, have worked so hard to kill. It can be disheartening, to see citizens so freely give up their rights and their powers, but I do believe, that with the The Radical Center: The Future of American Politics (Halstead and Lind), The Cultural Creatives: How 50 Million People Are Changing the World (Rya and Anderson) and other books I have reviewed, there is, without question, a tipping point. The Internet has changed everything-now we need for the people to notice, and act. Chomsky sheds light in a way that no prostituted scholar or preppy business acolyte will respect-but if the workers wish to begin reading for the future salvation of their children's rights, Chomsky is as good a place as any from which to step off into true democracy.
See also:
The Manufacture Of Evil: Ethics, Evolution, and the Industrial System
The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism
Screwed: The Undeclared War Against the Middle Class - And What We Can Do about It (BK Currents (Paperback))
The Working Poor: Invisible in America
The Global Class War: How America's Bipartisan Elite Lost Our Future - and What It Will Take to Win It Back
The Corporation: The Pathological Pursuit of Profit and Power
The People's Business: Controlling Corporations and Restoring Democracy

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Why is the Atlantic slowly filling with crude petroleum, threatening a millions-of-years-old ecological balance? Why did traders at prominent banks take high-risk gambles with the money entrusted to them by hundreds of thousands of clients around the world, expanding and leveraging their investments to the point that failure led to a global financial crisis that left millions of people jobless and hundreds of cities economically devastated? Why would the world's most powerful military spend ten years fighting an enemy that presents no direct threat to secure resources for corporations?The culprit in all cases is neoliberal ideology—the belief in the supremacy of "free" markets to drive and govern human affairs. And in the years since the initial publication of Noam Chomsky's Profit Over People: Neoliberalism and Global Order, the bitter vines of neoliberalism have only twisted themselves further into the world economy, obliterating the public's voice in public affairs and substituting the bottom line in place of people's basic obligation to care for one another as ends in themselves. In Profit Over People, Chomsky reveals the roots of the present crisis, tracing the history of neoliberalism through an incisive analysis of free trade agreements of the 1990s, the World Trade Organization, and the International Monetary Fund—and describes the movements of resistance to the increasing interference by the private sector in global affairs.In the years since the initial publication of Profit Over People, the stakes have only risen. Now more than ever, Profit Over People is one of the key texts explaining how the crisis facing us operates—and how, through Chomsky's analysis of resistance, we may find an escape from the closing net.

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How Math Explains the World: A Guide to the Power of Numbers, from Car Repair to Modern Physics Review

How Math Explains the World: A Guide to the Power of Numbers, from Car Repair to Modern Physics
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It is made abundantly clear in this fascinating book that certain sub-disciplines in mathematics are extremely useful in describing the physical world in which we live. It is made equally clear, and admitted by the author, that many other of its sub-disciplines are (at least currently) completely useless in the sense that there are no known practical applications. The author, a mathematician, does an excellent job in providing the reader with an overview of both types of these sub-disciplines, while discussing various questions and issues in mathematics. To add a human element to these discussions, the author has peppered the text with many historical and micro-biographical snippets, as well as personal anecdotes - thus making the book all the more enjoyable. The writing style is authoritative, very friendly and generally clear; that is, some sections could have been made clearer if figures or diagrams had been included to complement the descriptions that are given, thus saving the reader a bit of re-reading and head scratching (such as in my case). The fact that many mathematical terms are used without being previously defined suggests that the reader should have some basic knowledge in math in order to better appreciate the topics being discussed. Consequently, the book would likely be most enjoyed by science and especially math buffs.

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New Rules: Polite Musings from a Timid Observer Review

New Rules: Polite Musings from a Timid Observer
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Bill Maher, ascerbic comedian, claims that we all lived by rules, even if the rules were just "Stay off the grass," or "Don't Feed the Ducks." So, new rules becomes his signature before each witticism. For example, according to Maher, the best way for terrorism to be defeated is to ensure that the terrorists all receive plenty of sex. He suggests, "New rule: We need to mobilize two divisions of skanks,... a brigade of girls who just can't say no--all under the command of Colonel Ann Coulter, who'll be dressed in her Ilsa, She-Wolf of the S.S. uniform. Girls, there's a cure for terrorism and your...it."
Such comedic salvos are pithy, creative, and irreverent. Maher's language is often salty, and everyone and everything is grist for his mill. Although decidedly anti-Bush, he takes potshots at democrats alike, and most importantly, at himself. "... Something is very wrong when the only one fired over terrorism is me." (Too many times people turned their attention toward me to find out why I suddenly laughed out loud).
It would help the reader to have already heard Maher's voice and delivery. It might give each joke more impact. Nevertheless, this man's star is on the rise, and so is his book.
"New Rules," rules!


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Why Our Drug Laws Have Failed: A Judicial Indictment Of War On Drugs Review

Why Our Drug Laws Have Failed: A Judicial Indictment Of War On Drugs
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Judge James Gray has served in several capacities, including prosecutor, defense attorney, and judge as well as his recent career move as an author and possible political candidate. Through his work in the legal system, he has witnessed the corruption, the injustice, and the overall insanity of the War on Drugs. He wrote this book as an educational piece and as a call to political action.
Gray presents dozens of quotes from individuals in government, in law, and in other walks of life who have observed the failures of the drug war and know that the laws against drug use are actually more harmful than the drugs themselves. Gray shows how the drug laws have been used to justify expansion of government power and erosion of civil liberties. He shows how drug laws corrupt law enforcement officials and often lead to early paroling of violent criminals in order to make room in prison cells for non- violent drug offenders. Most politicians refuse to touch this issue (with a few exceptions, like former New Mexico governor Gary Johnson) out of fear. They worry how the ignorant, misinformed public will respond so they just push the issue under the table and hope it doesn't resurface during election time.
One of the most indicting facts about the pro- drug war radicals is the fact that they usually refuse to debate anti- drug war advocates in a public forum. Death- loving extremists, like the evil former drug czar Barry McCaffrey, refuse to debate these issues. This intimidation of taking on an anti- drug war individual speaks volumes. If the pro- drug war forces really felt their message was srong, they would have no problem having a debate and, in fact, would likely welcome one. But Gray points out that he is usually shunned when he approaches one of these drug war supporters with an invitation for an open debate.
Gray presents many angles of the drug issue in this book, and then he follows his words with a defined plan of action. He doesn't necessarily push his own views as the only ones that are valid. Rather, he presents the facts and lets the reader decide, confident in the fact that most anyone who knows the facts will likely take the side against continuing the insane war on drugs.
Gray wrote this book as a wake up call. The crazy war on drugs has caused endless amounts of human tragedy while making many people (drug kingpins, law enforcement, lawyers, etc.) very rich. It's no wonder that these people want to keep the war going. It has nothing to do with morals or justice. They don't want to see an end to the flow of funds into their already oversized wallets. But something has to be done. If the failed war on drugs is not ended soon, Gray fears that more and more civil liberties and privacy rights will be lost and the United Stated will continue to send a larger and larger portion of its population to serve time in jail, which will do absolutely nothing to curtail drug use and will result in more and more expansions of government power and control. His book is outspoken and gets right to the heart of the matter, and I highly recommend reading this book to anyone who has even the slightest interest in law, politics, and justice

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Buck Up, Suck Up . . . and Come Back When You Foul Up: 12 Winning Secrets from the War Room Review

Buck Up, Suck Up . . . and Come Back When You Foul Up: 12 Winning Secrets from the War Room
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Caution: This book features lots of coarse language. If that sort of thing offends you, skip this book.
The two Democratic strategists combine to describe the key elements of how they feel that political candidates (whether Democrats or Republicans, conservatives or liberals) can win elections, and successfully pursue their agendas in office.
The general advice is to take the offense, and stay on it, even when on defense.
Let me paraphrase the key points into a shorter list to make the concepts more understandable:
1. If you keep trying your hardest to get elected, someday you will succeed. Abraham Lincoln is the prime example.
2. Honestly seek out allies when you need them to get elected. John F. Kennedy taking on Lyndon Johnson as his vice presidential candidate is the main example.
3. Attack your strongest candidate in the general election constantly above the belt. Attack first, attack hardest, and counter-attack first. The first Clinton presidential campaign is the main example.
4. Pick the issue where the strongest general election opponent is most vulnerable, and don't let go! "It's the economy, stupid!"
5. Tell your story unceasingly in a brief, emotional, unique, and relevant way. "Are you better off than you were four years ago?"
6. Be quick to lead with your mistakes, weaknesses, and flaws by realizing that people want to hear it from you first. They will find out anyway, and you can gain credibility and trust this way.
7. Once you are in office, use your political capital wisely where it will make a difference. Build on success!
I suspect that most of these points are not new to you. Why read the book, then? Actually, it's main appeal is in the self-deprecating humor the authors use in describing how determined people on both side of the political spectrum verbally wrestle for power. If you are a Republican or a conservative, you probably won't enjoy the book because there's lots of positive things said about the Democratic candidates the authors have assisted. The book also refers to Republicans, especially President Reagan, but much less intensively.
As examples of the humor, Mr. Carville tells how his mother used to sell encyclopedias to help support the family by looking for men with lots of kids and a bass boat, the book has chicken salad and French toast recipes, and the authors tell about their own personal awkward moments in campaigns.
Will you read about the political issues surrounding the most famous White House intern? Oh, yes. Perhaps more than you want to.
Why should you want to be in office? I suggest that you have a pretty good reason . . . or you won't want to live like this.
The authors leave it up to you as to whether the book applies to other fields. The section on Rule 7: Know How to Communicate was the only section that I thought provided any insights that you might not know already. But that section is quite well done, with vivid examples.
If you are like me, your biggest take-away from this book is how effective open, self-deprecating humor is.
Help others in all the ways you can!


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The Color of My Words Review

The Color of My Words
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When I first looked for books that might be interesting to read. I would have to admit that at first glance I liked the book, because of its colorful cover, but then I went on to read the reviews and thought it a great idea to buy the book. I believe that it has been the best investment I have made in my life. I didn't like it...I LOVED IT. Its the type of book you hate to put down till your done with it, and the type you can relate to...I was born in the United States but am of Dominican origin and can truely say that this book captures what so many Dominicans have lived through the years. There have been heard times in the Domincan Republic but, but also great times. For there is nothing greater then the way Domincian families just stick together and this book gives a perfect example of how close people are in the Dominican Republic as if everyone was family. The way the author indents the spanish words that seem so familiar to me....and the way she uses quotations makes the book so easy to read. Most of all though its the detail the life experiences she explains in the book, the setting, and the loves shown throughout the book that makes it so great. So great that while reading the book it wrapped me up so much into itself. That I ended up crying not of dissapointment but of how good the book was. On how much I could relate to it from my life experience as a Dominincan girl but also as family experiences. When i suggested it to my friend and cousins they too cried of great joy for the book also wrapped them into its pages its words, but most of all into the life it had captured between the pages. I would recommend this book to anyone...For its the best book I have read so far....So if you haven't read it.....GO and READ IT NOW.....DON'T MISS OUT ON THIS GREAT BOOK....FOR IF YOU DO YOU'LL REGRET IT.

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Deliver Us from Evil: Defeating Terrorism, Despotism, and Liberalism Review

Deliver Us from Evil: Defeating Terrorism, Despotism, and Liberalism
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From the melodramatic title to the end, this book was a tough read. Sean's remarks are simplistic to the point of imbecility. (His logic is something akin to: all lemons are yellow; my car is yellow; my car must be a lemon.) He even repeats himself, and his references are shoddy.
This is the man who voiced opposition to President Clinton sending troops to Bosnia to eliminate the genocide and ethnic cleansing, which it did. Sean asserted that it was his patriotic duty to speak out as an American, and his exercise of free speech. He asked, how this president could justify his actions to American families when their relatives started coming home in body bags. When Bush invaded Iraq, patriotic duty and free speech went out the window when he asserted that criticism of the Bush administration was undermining our national resolve.
His real low point came when a renegade NYC Police Officer named Volpe sodomized Abner Luema (spelling?) with a broom handle in a police precinct. With nothing more than an intuition, Sean announced on the air that maybe that penetration came from the victim's lifestyle. Sean and Volpe's father shared microphones as they crooned a popular melody with made-up lyrics that implied the same. The crooning stopped suddenly when Volpe was fired from the force, and admitted to the sodomy.
Sean again showed his patriotism and wisdom in 1998 when President Clinton announced that a terrorist named Usama bin Laden and his al Qaeda group were the biggest threat to the US. Hannity joined the chorus of republican legislators who ignored the warning, accusing Clinton of "wagging the dog" in order to take focus from the Monica Lewinsky scandal.
Naturally, the bottom line is that all liberals are evil, and all conservatives are good. All liberals are blind, and conservatives are visionary.
There's just one question I have that Sean seemed to miss, and didn't address:
He claims:
Bill Clinton was responsible for 9/11.
President Bush was only in office eight months.
It wasn't enough time to prepare us against terrorist attack.
Okay.
The first bombing of the World Trade Center occurred six weeks after Bill Clinton came to office.
Does that mean that it was Clinton's predecessor, George Bush's father (41) who was responsible for the first bombing?
Finally, all his callers compliment him as a patriotic American, but what has this man done except talk? Like most chickenhawks, he's a great talker, but you have to walk the walk. I'm waiting for Sean to take his first step.

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Songs Of Freedom: Tales From The Revolution Review

Songs Of Freedom: Tales From The Revolution
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The book arrived rapidly, was well wrapped and in very good condition. It was a fast, easy read but one I go back to frequently. It says things that I feel and allows me to know others think and feel as I do. GREAT!

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unSpun: Finding Facts in a World of Disinformation Review

unSpun: Finding Facts in a World of Disinformation
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At least I think it's a great book, but now I'm not so sure. The authors, Brooks Jackson, and Kathleen Hall Jamieson have done such an outstanding job of showing me why I bought the electric scissors I didn't need and how I was focusing so much on watching the healthy people on the television doing Tai Chi in the park, I completely overlooked the possible side effects of the drug the commercial was pedaling. Now that I've listened and found out that it may lead to complete loss of body hair, tailbone growth, swelling of the lips and tongue, excessive weight gain, webbed feet, tooth loss, emesis and leprosy, I've stopped taking the drug.
Starting out with the first snake oil salesman making outrageous claims, to political advertisements by republicans and democrats, by Bush and Kerry, we learn that virtually none of them can be trusted because they appeal to our biases, our perception, our experiences, and cynicism with words that are open to interpretation such as clinically tested, larger, better, more people trust or use..., on average, and other caveats that deserve closer scrutiny. (I've also added to the list: "Read with an open mind," and "Only for those who can be objective").
If that isn't bad enough, the authors show us how our personal experiences and eyewitness accounts can be manipulated by others and by our own biases. For example, when subjects were shown two lines of differing lengths, they often reported that the shorter one was longer, once they learned that everyone else (supposedly) had selected the shorter line. An even better one is the neighboring review: One, who has made his conservative feelings clear, felt that there was more "left favoring" bias to this book. A commenter said that he felt there was more "right-favoring" bias. This is a classic recommendation for the book.
The most fascinating thing I took from this short paperback is that people will cling to their beliefs more tenaciously in the face of overwhelming evidence that reveals their position is incorrect or invalid, that people will short-circuit their own brains and readily accept as fact that which conforms to their own beliefs, and that we must learn to question bias, sources, evidence, and our cynicism before parting with our money or accepting information as knowledge or fact.
So, I can guarantee that you will be 100% satisfied as were the people in my survey who read this book compared with another. Two out of three found this not only a better read, but reported that it killed the germs that cause bad breath, took inches off their waistline, and removed wrinkles. So, what are you waiting for? Get started today. Start reading. After all, you have everything to lose!
Guaranteed! Or, my name isn't Axel Schnookenhoffer!


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Quote Junkie: Political Edition: Some Of The Greatest Political Quotes In The History Of The World, Featuring Around 600 Great Quotes Review

Quote Junkie:  Political Edition: Some Of The Greatest Political Quotes In The History Of The World, Featuring Around 600 Great Quotes
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This is a great book that I enjoyed thoroughly. The quotes were both inspirational and educational, even in this time of hardship that our country is enduring. I only wish that our current politicians could read this book and take the time to learn from many of the great leaders from our past.

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Some of the greatest political quotes in the history of the world, featuring around 600 great quotes.A great book for political, and history junkies.This edition offers quotes from some of the greatest men and women in the history of the world, from all corners of the world.Enjoy!

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